Culture clash? A study of second-generation Mauritians in London

2007-2008

This dissertation is submitted as an Independent Geographical Study as part of a BA degree in Geography at King’s College London.

KING’S COLLEGE LONDON

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON

DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY

INDEPENDENT GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY

Acknowledgements and Dedications

Many thanks to all the people who gave up their time to take part in the research process.

Dedicated to my father, Jacques René.

Contents

Abstract
1. Statement of Problem

2. Literature review
2.1 The concept of identity
2.2 Identity of immigrants
2.3 Britain as a multi-cultural society
2.4 Mauritian history, culture and identity
2.5 The Mauritian community in Britain

3. Research planning
3.1 Research questions
3.2 Methodology
3.3 Methodology limitations

4. Results
4.1 Interview results
4.2 Results discussion

5. Conclusion

Reference list
Appendices
Appendix 1 - IGS Proposal
Appendix 2 – Ethical Approval Letter

Abstract

Immigrant identity is something that has long been studied over the past century, however identity amongst second generation immigrants has not been researched extensively. This dissertation has attempted to find out how second generation Mauritian immigrants in London feel about themselves and the two cultures they have been brought up with. The conclusion is that they neither see themselves as part of one culture or another, but part of a wider group of communities and cultures.

1. Statement of problem

The problem I have chosen to research and study for the subject of this Independent Geographical Study is the integration and identity of young second generation Mauritian immigrants in London, England. The reasons for choosing this research area were twofold, first because I myself am a Mauritian second generation immigrant, and therefore I was interested in seeing how other second generation Mauritian children coped with the two different cultures. This subject has become even more important what with the fear of terrorism and society’s recent fear of the foreign. Are the children of Mauritian immigrants alienated, or made to feel as though the country of their birth is there home? Do they take on the identity and culture of Britain, or “stay true” to the culture and roots of their family? Identity in this case is whether someone sees himself as a member of an ethnic group (Dovidio et al., 2002).

The second reason is because although there is a considerable Mauritian population in the London area, very little has been studied about them. There are numerous Mauritian events throughout the year, including Mauritian festivals to which thousands attend, as well as the annual Mauritian football tournament and several Mauritian club nights hosted by second generation Mauritians. I believe part of the reason that very little has been studied about Mauritians is due to the official government statistics pigeon holing the diverse Mauritian population as African or Asian, a major debate and sticking point amongst the Mauritian community, both in England and in Mauritius. A further reason for the studying of this subject is that whilst much research was done on the first immigrants to Europe and America, very little was done on their children in comparison (Baker, 2003).

Following on from this problem, is the smaller, but albeit important, problem of identity amongst Mauritians. Within the Mauritian community exist different cultures, the main two being African Creole (Kreol, but both interchangeable) or Asian Hindu (Malabar). There is a large divide between both races, stemming from the slavery days in the 19^th century where the Malabars were brought as workers to the island of Mauritius, and since then have prospered, much to the detriment of the Kreol slaves. For this reason the Kreols have always felt a sense of injustice regarding their economic status and opportunities in Mauritius. In more recent times the trouble between races and religions has been between the Muslim Asians and the Catholic Kreols, resulting in many riots and the deaths of numerous people. Examples of this were numerous fights between Muslim and Kreol football team supporters, ending in the death of several people (BBC, 1999).

However there is evidence to suggest this divide is now closing, with Kreols finally reaching the higher echelons of society and the workplace, especially in politics. Kreols have now begun to be more outspoken about their “plight”, especially via the medium of Mauritian music, known as “sega”. This music stems from Africa, and is used to describe the hardships of slavery, and have now been changed to voice inequalities encountered by Kreols. Unfortunately the Mauritian government has not helped matters for the Kreols, as it does not officially recognise them as a people, and prefers to class them as the “general population” (Eriksen, 1994). To add to this, in the past decade the Mauritian government has also tried to rename the main language of Mauritius “Creole” to “Mauricien” so as to be more politically correct.

Since researching the topic of this IGS, I have come to realise the diverseness of the Mauritian community. Not only are there those of Malabar descent and Kreols, but also Muslim, Madras (Tamil), Sikhs, French Mauritians and Chinese Mauritians. Many Kreols use the term “malbar” or “Malabar” as a derogatory name for Asian Mauritians in general and “Laskar” for Muslim Mauritians, whilst Asian Mauritians use the term “nation” or “nashon” (comparable to the word “nigger”) for Kreols. After talking to elder family members in order to find out more about my ancestry, it has come to light that I am a mixture of many different races, notably Portuguese, French, African and Indian. This led me to question whether identity and race was so clear cut for other Mauritians, and whether this had any bearing on the idea of identity and the self.

In order to gain insight into the problem, and to achieve the answers, the research undertaken was in the form of interviewing young Mauritians living in London. These Mauritians would all be second generation, that is their parents were born in Mauritius and the children were born in England, men and women from the ages of 16 to 25, including Kreols, Hindus and other sectors of the Mauritian community. Interviews were designed in order to retrieve as much information as possible about young Mauritians in London, and why they choose to identify themselves as Mauritian, British or otherwise. However, so that I would gain more understanding about what I was asking of the interviewees, I researched into Mauritian history and culture, as well as other important themes including identity and immigrant culture.

2.1 Literature review: The concept of identity

The idea of identity is that of a self-image built up through experiences. According to the Dictionary of Geography (Mayhew, 2004), identity is the characteristics determining the individuality of a being. This area of geography is relatively new and often branches out into sociology, anthropology and even psychology, and much researched has been already carried out on it. In terms of geography, identity is the way individuals may label and define themselves, that is national identity (in the case of this research question) or gender identity for female and queer geographies. The geography of the body is an important aspect of identity, as it is how people represent themselves, and shows us their influences, such as put forth by McDowell and Court (1994). According to Holloway et al. (2004) identity is a social construction, therefore in the case of Mauritians the participants may have constructed their own identity with much input from their Mauritian parents, as well from interaction with other people in Britain. Much work has already been done on this theme, and the research will attempt to incorporate it.

It could be said that the idea of self-identity is formed during the transformation from a child to an adult where people go through new experiences which help to create their character and identity, such as put forth by Castells (2004). In certain cases of identity there is the idea of ambivalence, with two opposite attitudes existing together, due to the unwillingness to pick, or the embracing of the two, such as in Davis’s (1994) research into fashion and identity. Due to the age of the interviewees, this may crop up in the research, as some of them may not know what identity and culture they want to choose, or may have chosen both.

According to Weedon (2004) “belonging” needs both identification and recognition. Therefore, a group people are defined by how they express themselves in their everyday practices. However the social inclusion of individuals is often defined by the social exclusion of other individuals. Weedon also goes onto say that all too often there are racialized forms of identity that are constructed by Western societies. These forms of identity will sometimes produce resistances such as the “black is beautiful” slogan coined by the Black Power Movement in the 1960s and the 1970s in the United States of America.

To feel part of a society, individuals must share common ground such as the same interests. It is this membership of a particular society that helps to construct our identity (Holloway et al., 2004). Therefore in the case of immigrant Mauritians in London I will be looking at what draws these people together and what common interests they share.

2.2 Literature review: Identity of immigrants

The identity of immigrant families and families with immigrant backgrounds has long been studied and researched, and today has become a central issue in the media with instances of terrorism being carried out by home-grown citizens. Baumann (1996) suggests that immigrant groups are suspended between two cultures, that of the country they live in, and that of their ancestors. Turner (1967) used the phrase of being “betwixt and between” in the case of people not belonging to a particular social category. Second generation immigrants in Europe are thought to be an “anomalous ethnic category” as they may be thought to be of the same ethnic group as their parents, although they may believe that they have taken on the culture of the country they’re living in (Eriksen, 2002).

In looking at immigrant families in the United States of America, networks between immigrants are created to amongst one another in order for them to prosper. This is due to the fact that some individuals may find it hard to cope with the pressures of two cultures (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2005). In Suarez-Orozco et al.’s book, they go on to say that the last study of second generation immigrants was done over fifty years ago on Italian children. However, as these scholars pointed out, first, immigrant conditions have changed somewhat since then, and second, these European immigrants were uniformly white. This meant that even though they were immigrants, they had no racial barrier to cross, unlike the black and Asian immigrants.

In Riley’s book The Unbelonging (1985) the subject of the book is a black Caribbean girl brought up in an English children’s home. The character is taught white standards and values, and has no contact with other black people. The protagonist finally meets other black people once she reaches university, however this leads to a search for her own identity. In this quest she goes back to the place of her birth in Jamaica to find it is not what she quite remembered, and finds herself displaced, and not part of either world. This image of being between two worlds echoes Turner’s (1967) phrase of being betwixt and between. This is possibly how some second generation Mauritians may feel, although they have been born in the United Kingdom.

In Berry’s (2006) book the term “acculturation” is used to explain the transition second generation immigrant youths go through. Acculturation is the changing or adapting of a culture of an individual due to contact with a different culture. This concept is used to understand youths in relation to their ethnic and national identity. Berry’s work declares that a major tradition in research has been to the extent to which immigrants identify with their ethnic group compared to general society. Spencer et al. (1991) state that literature and research on ethnic minority youth is not sufficient compared to the research undertaken on non-minority youth. In addition to this, according to Berry (2006) much work on the acculturation of adults, but not as much has been done on teenagers, although this is changing.

Nationality, whilst having appearing to have the same connotations as ethnic identity, is quite different. It can be explained legally, biologically or socio-psychologically (Speek, 1926). The Oxford Dictionary of Law (Martin et al., 2006) states that nationality is being a citizen of a particular country. Therefore it is important not to mix up the roles of nationality and ethnic identity. The participants used in this research would be of British nationality, with some maybe having dual nationality.

For some immigrants this choice of cultures is easy as they follow the nationality of their parents, but some second generation immigrants choose to take on the identity of their nationality. In the case of the United Kingdom many immigrants are proud to be British, for example second generation migrants playing for English sports teams. Obviously there has not been research undertaken on every single ethnic community in London, therefore the proposed research on the Mauritian community would exploit this fact, hopefully providing more understanding on the identity of these diverse immigrant families. Following on from what Berry stated, looking at the immigrant youth would also take advantage of this small gap in cultural identity work.

2.3 Literature review: Britain as a multi-cultural society

The Parekh Report published by the Runnymede Trust (Parekh, 2000), an independent think tank funded by the British Home Office, was commissioned to analyse the state of Britain as a multi-ethnic country and to find ways in which discrimination can be countered. The head of the report, Parekh, claimed that although differences between different ethnic communities are recognised, there is a serious need to combat racism. The report ends with two possible scenarios of Britain. The first vision is that of an inward looking Britain that is unable to create communities and links between them. The second scenario of Britain is a country that is a community of communities. The Parekh report says that if the latter is chosen, then a balance must be achieved between difference and equality, and that racism in Britain must be eliminated.

The Parekh report met a fierce backlash and strong opposition from many of the country’s tabloid newspapers. The Sun published an article denouncing the report stating how Parekh’s vision of a “community of communities” is disgusting and that Britain is well known for its tolerance of ethnic minorities (Thompson, 2000). The Daily Mail followed suit and went as far as to say that the Parekh Report was an insult to all Britons. It then goes on to say how Britain and its colonies fought together against the Nazi tyranny in the Second World War (Johnson, 2000) meaning acceptance and recognition of all cultures. Weedon (2004) then points out that whilst this is true; Black and Asian Second World War veterans had to fight for acknowledgment for their part in the War.

2.4 Literature review: Mauritian history, culture and identity

The island of Mauritius is built up of many different cultures, religions and races, ranging from Hindu to Muslim to African. Due to this melting pot of ethnicity there are often many race related arguments and debates in Mauritian society. The main problem is that of the estrangement of the “original” Mauritians, that is to say the formerly enslaved Creole race who can trace their origin to the African continent. These Creoles were the original slaves brought from Mozambique and other African countries to work in the plantations (Miles, 1999). In consequent years after the abolition of slavery in Mauritius, many Indians were offered low paid jobs on the island, sparking a huge influx of Asians.

The Indian immigrants who came to Mauritius were poor “untouchables” who were treated harshly in their own country. The first wave of Indians who came to the island was in 1834, numbering 24,000 by 1838. This immigration from Asia increased and continued until 1907, by which time 450,000 Indian labourers had come to the island. By 1944 Indians and their Mauritian born children outnumbered the “general population” made up of former slaves and Europeans (Barnwell et al., 1949). These immigrants came to the island after signing a contract in India stating they would work for five years on the island’s sugar plantations, then return to India with a decent amount of money. However, this was not the case, as most of these labourers were treated badly, and received very little pay. According to Carter (1996) Indian migrants were flogged if they did not carry out their duties or if they did their work badly. On many occasions their daily rations were halted if they failed to turn up for work, or they were sent to the stocks. Many of these immigrants would also kill themselves if they did not have enough money to return back to India after their five year contract with the plantation owners.

Pending the island’s independence in 1968 44% of people voted against independence in fear of the “hindu peril” (Bunwaree, 2002). Bunwaree then declared that a Mauritian sense of identity is missing from the islanders, with religion and language defining ethnic identity on the island. This is summed up by Lehembre (1984) who stated that regardless of race or religion, rarely a Mauritian feels Mauritian. Since gaining independence it has been the Asian majority that have prospered and that have been in government. This has led to the so called “le malaise creole”, where the Creole population feel separated from society itself.

Inevitably, this has unfortunately led to a number of race related riots organised by the Creole population, with one resulting in the death of a popular Creole musician whilst in police custody (Miles, 1999). Another example is that of a grudge football match between a Muslim and Creole football team. Following the win of the Creole football team “Fire Brigade” rioting erupted, ending in the death of 7 people who were burnt to death by the opposing team’s fans (BBC, 1999). This shows the gravity of the social and cultural situation in Mauritius, and the lack of unity between different ethnic groups. Many Mauritians will not identify themselves purely as “Mauritian” but as Kreol Mauritian or “Hindu Mauritian” otherwise known as Malabar. Official government ethnic groups list Hindus, Muslim, Chinese and “the general population”, meaning that Kreols are not officially recognised by the state (Eriksen, 1994). In 2003 the first non-Hindu Prime Minister was elected, Paul Bérenger a white French Mauritian, showing that Mauritian politics was not becoming so one sided, and that Mauritian society was becoming more accepting of all ethnic communities on the island (Degnarain, 2003).

Eriksen’s further work on Mauritian ethnic diversity has also brought into question the duplicity of the word “Kreol”. Obviously the first meaning of the word was those descendants of those African slaves forced to labour on the island. The second meaning is a more recent one. Eriksen’s (1999) aptly (but oddly, due to a spelling mistake) named book “Tu dimmun pu vini kreol” or “everyone will become Kreol” is based on research done in Mauritius. It has shown that those children of mixed marriages in Mauritius see themselves as neither one nor the other, but as “Kreole”. This is because they see themselves as not belonging to one particular community, and also because their first language is Kreol, or “mauricien”.

2.5 Literature review: the Mauritian community in Britain

There is a large population of Mauritians living in Britain, numbering around 14,000 at the turn of the millennium (Buncome and MacArthur, 1999), many of whom moved to the country when Mauritius gained its independence in 1968. Those who came to London predominantly moved to the south-west of the capital around Brixton, Stockwell and the Walworth Road, along with many other ethnic minorities. It was these Mauritians who first started to organise specific events for the Mauritian community. One of these enterprises was a football team named “Dodo F.C.” (the Dodo being the national symbol of Mauritius) who established themselves in 1968. This football team was made of mainly Mauritians but included other races such as Jamaicans. This football team enabled the Mauritian community to meet on a regular basis, and widened the social networks of everyone involved. As time went on, football teams such as Dodo F.C., later renamed Cosmos U.F.C., began to organise other Mauritian social events such as dances, where people could experience Mauritian music together and generally socialise. In May of 2008, Cosmos U.F.C. will be celebrating its 40^th anniversary, the oldest Mauritian football team in London. This team still plays weekly matches in the Wimbledon and District league, and is also host to a number of other ethnic groups. In the past decade or so, there have been yearly Mauritian football tournaments held in the south of London, to which many teams attend, and is said to be the highlight of the Mauritian football season. Many of the teams that compete often fly to Mauritius to play Mauritian based teams, as well as to promote the Mauritian community in London.

The creation of a Mauritian newspaper in London, named the “Mauritius News” which celebrated its 24^th anniversary in November 2007, has also helped to unify the community. This newspaper includes news updates from Mauritius itself as well as news about Mauritian happenings in London. In more recent times, after the dot com explosion, it has been the second generation Mauritians that have taken it upon themselves to promote their culture and bring the Mauritian community together. They created club nights in central London that specifically targeted the younger Mauritian population, attracting them with the chance to meet other Mauritians, experience Mauritian beverages and listen to current Mauritian music. These new club nights were created as they thought Mauritian events were becoming too family orientated, and were “not appealing to younger U.K. Mauritians” (Daby, unknown). These club nights have really changed the face of the Mauritian community, as they have helped to consolidate the community further, establishing yearly festivals where Mauritian bands come over to play, to which the whole family come along to enjoy. As well as these club nights, new Mauritian bars and clubs have sprung up in Catford, Norbury and Croydon attracting further business from Mauritian clients. Other enterprises include the London School of Law, the first Mauritian school which was established in 1991, which has now added more subjects to their curriculum.

3.1 Research Questions

The research for this dissertation will involve interviewing second generation members of the Mauritian community, both male and female, between the ages for sixteen and twenty-five. The interview will include a range of questions aimed finding out how and why these people identify themselves, and how they understand and interpret their parents’ culture, and the culture they were born into. As well as the core questions, smaller questions such as specific ethnicity will be asked and whether they speak the Mauritian Creole language. The main questions that will be asked are as follows,

Question 1 – How do the interviewees understand the terms “British” and “Mauritian” and what both of these terms mean to them? I believe that this question will help to show how the participant feels about the general sense, whether it be negative or positive, of both identities and cultures and their relationship to them. This question is quite important to the research as different people will have varied opinions and sentiments to the definition of both words.
Question 2 – How do the interview participants view themselves? Are they British or Mauritian, or a mixture of both? Do they still feel a connection to their Mauritian heritage? This question will help to determine whether acculturation has taken place, or they identify themselves with only one culture. Along with this question I will ask the interviewee whether they identify themselves with a particular ethnic group within the Mauritian community.
Question 3 – How does being a second generation Mauritian affect them? Do they feel that they are part of a community of communities, or live in a xenophobic Britain? This question will go some way towards in helping to explaining their own choice of identity and culture, and whether they agree with The Parekh Report (2000). The question will also help to see whether being part of a particular ethnic group has certain connotations, especially in a place so multiculturally diverse as London.
Question 4 - Do they take an active role in the Mauritian community in London, or do they not have an interest in it? Why? With the multitude of Mauritian social events taking place, from football tournaments to club nights, I would like to see why Mauritians attend these events, or why they choose not to go. I would also like to see why, if at all, they choose to make Mauritian friends, especially in a place as multicultural and vast as London.

3.2 Methodology

The research for this question would be primarily interview based with teenagers and young adults from sixteen to twenty-five years old, second generation, that is those born in the United Kingdom, Mauritians in London. The majority of these people would be from a mostly Mauritian male football team based in the south of London, as well as their relatives and friends, and other people linked with the football team.

The research would be qualitative one on one interview based in order to gain more depth and insight into the opinions and experiences of the interviewees. This would give the chance for the informers to tell their story, such as stated by Jensen and Jankowski (1991). One of the advantages of interviewing people is that they get to speak for themselves, also giving a chance to quote the participant. In some cases the interviewees may even be able to express themselves better than the interviewer could (Winchester, 1996). Flowerdew and Martin (2005) agree with this, saying that questionnaires do not allow the interviewee to express and explain their experiences, whilst an in depth interview does. This qualitative approach to research would allow for more detailed interviews, meaning that a smaller sample size would be more feasible, in comparison to a quantitative approach where short questionnaires and a large sample size would be needed. Interviews are usually unstructured and follow a conversation pattern rather than an interrogation (Flowerdew and Martin, 2005). This will allow the interviewee to be far more forthcoming than if a series of questions were fired at them. A questionnaire, whilst beneficial for brief answers, would not provide the depth needed for this research, and would only provide closed multiple choice questions which would most probably lead to a data dump.

Where there are two or more interviewees in the same family, focus groups would be used, allowing for the sharing of ideas between siblings and cousins, whilst also possibly showing the contrasts of opinions. Focus groups of siblings and relatives would mean that participants would be at ease with each other, hopefully allowing for more discussion rather than the group being worried about expressing their opinions to strangers, such as suggested by Nichols (1991). According to Flowerdew and Martin (2005) there are two main advantages when using a focus group. The first is you gain a whole range of views from people about a particular subject, allowing for more discussion. The second advantage is that the interactions and dialogue between people over a topic can be seen.

Many of the interviewees will be known to me, which may mean that there might be a lack of awkwardness and that they would be more open when giving answers. In turn, these interviewees could then refer to me to other possible participants in the research. The majority of the interviewees would be male due to the fact that the research would be based on people from a football team. Although I do not anticipate much difference in results between male and female interviewees, there may possibly be some variation in opinions and answers given between different ethnicities within the Mauritian community. The interview would cover a range of topics, gauging opinions and understanding on music, food, language, ethnicity and culture, pastimes and socialising including football. An important part of the ethnicity and culture topic is how the interviewees define the terms “British” and “Mauritian”. The definitions of these terms would give an insight on attitudes towards these two societies and identities. These topics would help shed light on how second generation Mauritian immigrants identify themselves and why.

As well as interviewing in person, I will also be trying out interviews online. According to Madge and O’Connor (2003) the potential of the Internet has already been recognised by many academics, as it offers new research possibilities such as talking to people in geographically remote areas. I hope to conduct these interviews via instant messenger programs, enabling me to save the chat log for later analysis. “Virtual interviews” as they are known, can be a useful medium of asking sensitive questions, and there is also a tendency to be less reserved online (Madge and O’Connor, 2004). They go on to say that online research methods have been proven to be very effective and allow for high levels of expressiveness. If this proves successful I may do more interviewees in this format. Face to face interviews may prove to be time consuming and costly for both me and the research participant, therefore a virtual interview would be more efficient (Madge and O’Connor, 2003).

In order to adhere to ethics guidelines and the Data Protection Act, each interviewee will be told that the online conversation will be saved for the duration of the research, and then destroyed or deleted. Permission to use interviews in this research will also be sought.

3.3 Methodology Limitations

Obvious limitations of interviews and focus groups include awkwardness between the interviewer and the interviewee, and the unwillingness to answer certain questions due to shyness or the sensitivity of the question. In the case of focus groups, one person may dominate the others in the group, influencing the answers, or the lack of, given by all other participants (Wimmer and Dominick, 1997). In a focus group it may also be the case where someone feels like they cannot talk in front of another, in fear of later retribution, however considering the research questions I hope this will not happen. Another problem with using focus groups is that it is often an unnatural setting, as the participants are expected to talk about a range of subjects not usually discussed.

There are many possible problems with using virtual interviews as a form of research. The main concerns lie with whether many of participants have access to a computer. The other issue is that with online interviews non-verbal answers and actions are not seen (Madge and O’Connor, 2004). Madge and O’Connor also go on to say that speed of typing also affects online focus groups, as the most vocal are those with better typing abilities. These factors will be taken into account when using online interviews and focus groups.

As with any research, bias is often a problem, therefore becoming too involved with the topic, especially as I am a second generation Mauritian immigrant which could compromise the research somewhat. Another problem with research involving people is the possibility of them not being completely truthful or forthright, which could potentially distort the results. Hopefully the fact that I am a peer rather than a parent figure will help to increase the truth and accuracy in the interviewees answers. According to Holloway et al. (2004) interviewing small samples of people can often lead to generalisation. A further limitation of my methodology is that due to the fact the majority of interviewees will be young males, it could skew the results slightly, and not give a fair overview of how young Mauritians, both male and female, identify themselves.

4.1 Interview Results

Interviews were conducted online, with a small number done in person. Most were happy to talk about the subjects given, although a couple, for unknown reasons, only gave short answers. The participants of the research were all aged over 16, with the oldest being 25 years old. The second generation Mauritians included Tamils, Hindus and Catholic Kreols, all living mainly in the south of London, ranging from Mitcham to Bromley. The interviewees nearly all had some relationship or link to a Mauritian football team based in the south of London that was established in 1968 by the first wave of Mauritian immigrants to the United Kingdom. The participants were asked a series of questions about their identity, how and why they see their ethnicity and how they define the terms “Mauritian” and “British”.

The first main question was defining the term “British”, a question a couple of the participants had difficulty answering. Most answered that to be British is to be born and grow up in Britain, hold a British citizenship and share the common British values. One person went as far as to say that they viewed the concept of “British-ness” as belonging to a mixture of people and communities, echoing The Parekh Report (Parekh, 2000). Another person expressed a negative view of British-ness, saying that it compromises of a decaying society with a lost sense of morality, even going as far to say that it was a shadow of its former glorious self, when the term “British” stood for all the was right: freedom and equality.

The second question was defining the term “Mauritian”, something the participants were all more than happy to talk about. Two people answered that to be Mauritian you have to be born in Mauritius, however this opinion was not agreed with by other interviewees. They associated being Mauritian with traditional values, continuing the culture and remembering the Mauritian history and heritage. A notable reply by two people to the question was that being Mauritian was to be part of a blend of traditions and cultures, and to be proud of each other as a people, recognising how far we have come. Another interviewee said that being Mauritian was part of their roots, culture and identity. On the other side of this, one interviewee claimed not to feel any connection to their Mauritian roots, feeling that the Mauritian identity did not empower them as much as their British one.

Following those questions, interview participants were asked simple questions about how they viewed themselves, and their Mauritian ethnicity. Practically all of the interviewees saw themselves as British Mauritians, stressing the link between both. Their reasoning for giving this answer was that whilst they had been born in Mauritius their parents had taught them the Mauritius culture, and to be proud of their heritage. Another factor for stating to be “British Mauritian” was that several of the participants held dual nationality with both Britain and Mauritius. Only two people stated they were just British as they had been born in Britain, and that ethnicity did not come into question. All of the interview participants identified themselves as either Tamil, Hindu or Catholic Kreol, with only one person choosing not to select a particular ethnicity. The majority of the interviewees spoke and understood the Creole language, with little exception.

The third question involved talking about how they felt as second generation Mauritians in a multicultural London. Most of the answers were fairly similar, saying that being a second generation British Mauritian helped them to relate to other ethnic communities from where they lived, as well as sharing the same sense of British-ness with other second generation immigrants. Practically all of the participants replied that as Britain was their home, they felt no sense of alienation or estrangement in London. They all listed other ethnic minorities, as well as white British people, in their socialising groups, therefore agreeing with Parekh’s sense of a community of communities. However, a couple of people, notably from the suburbs of London, mentioned a few instances of xenophobia and racism that they had experienced, yet put it down to a small “ignorant minority”.

When interviewees were asked about their social life, the majority of people listed Mauritian social events and Mauritian football amongst things they do. When questioned further about why they attended such Mauritian events, which ranged from family dances to Mauritian club nights in central London, many of them stated that they went to these occasions to meet other Mauritians and share their culture, albeit in the form of Mauritian music and food, with each other. Another person said they attended the family dances to support the Mauritian community, as many of these events are hosted by London based Mauritian football teams who need funds to continue to survive. One person replied that they felt obliged to go to Mauritian events by family, but in actual fact would have preferred not to go. Following on from this point, a number of people mentioned that going to Mauritian social events was “something they had grown up with”. This could mean that parents, who came to Britain as immigrants, held these social events to meet other fellow Mauritians and possibly recreate elements of Mauritius, whether it be food or music. Their British born children then were made to identify with the Mauritian culture at an early age, and therefore felt the need to carry on with promoting their culture. Only two people responded that they did not attend these events, as they felt they did not fit in, whilst another did not enjoy them.

Following on from this point about football teams, the male participants were asked why they chose to play for a Mauritian football team in London, despite there being plenty of other, more local, football teams they could play for. The main one answer given was that the fact that most of the players are Mauritian creates a bond amongst the team and players felt “more comfortable” with each other. Another response was that it was also a good chance to practice the Creole language. Other answers included that relatives, such as fathers and uncles, have played for the team previously and therefore they felt the need to play for the same team. Altogether there are around eight main Mauritian football teams in the London area, with one of the largest having existed for 40 years in 2008, with new football teams being founded ever year. Many of the interview participants believed that much of the Mauritian community was built around these football teams, and by playing for or supporting one of these teams, it gave them the opportunity to meet other members of the community.

4.2 Results Discussion

In the literature review I stated it was a possibility that some of the participants may not have chosen a conscious identity, however this was untrue as all of the interviewees had chosen a label for themselves, whether it was British or British Mauritian. One thing that struck me whilst interviewing these people was how many of them said that they were proud to be Mauritian. From looking at previous research on the people of Mauritius, there is a sense of a disbanded people living on an island with no sense of pride in themselves or each other. However from interviewing these young people the sense of pride of being Mauritian was astounding, especially as not once did I have to ask them “Are you proud of being Mauritian?”, yet it was one of the first things they told me. In fact it can be seen today at many Mauritian social events, the majority of people who organise them and who attend are young second generation Mauritians who yearn to experience their culture and share it with other like minded people. In contrast only one person stated they were proud of being British, as they were proud of the society they lived in. Throughout the entire interview process I found three participants who particularly interested me. These three people had different takes on what it meant to be Mauritian and their experiences.

The first interview that interested me was that of a young Mauritian woman who felt she had no link to her Mauritian culture, even though she had Mauritian friends and her family spoke the Mauritian language. She saw herself as solely British, as she believed being British was to be part of a free society “where all nationalities and races are accepted”. She claimed that she was “reluctantly proud” of her being Mauritian because she had no connection to her past as she was born and brought up in the United Kingdom. She had no real desire to learn the Creole language, and had never really attended the multitude of Mauritian social events. Despite this, she claimed not to be ashamed of her Mauritian roots, but felt “no strong connection… as a second generation Mauritian.” When asked why she did not go to meet other Mauritians at these events she stated that she “just wouldn’t fit in”. I found this to be a surprising answer, as the Mauritian community is renowned for its cultural and ethnic diversity, and I myself have experienced the mixture of people who attend these Mauritian events in London.

The second interview was with a young male student who lives in the suburbs of London. Although he met his Mauritian family regularly and had Mauritian friends, he had never learnt Creole and therefore had difficulty understanding and speaking the Mauritian language. However, this did not deter him from wanting to learn more about his culture. In fact, one of the main reasons that he joined a Mauritian football team was in order to “learn Creole” and to interact more with Mauritians. Having more Mauritians friends was then a gateway to other social events, meaning he could experience more of his culture and meet other Mauritians. Despite this, he went on to say that whilst he had Mauritian roots, he was British as for him the word “British” denotes a multicultural group of people living together in Britain. In addition to this he explained his reason for saying he was British was also because it did not complicate things. He also thought the idea of being British was a social construction and label given to him, that is to say the word does not actually describe who he is, in the same way the word “black” is given to those of Afro-Caribbean descent. This is reminiscent of Holloway et al.’s (2004) work who stated that identity was indeed a social construction.

The third interview that I found interesting was with another young male student from the Croydon area. In contrast to the previous two interviews, he felt a waning sense of pride in being British, yet an ever present pride in being Mauritian. His reasons for this was that previous generations of people living in Britain would have said they were proud to be British, due to a high sense of morality, one example being fighting for freedom rights in the World Wars. He compared this with his vision of today’s Britain, where there was a decline in respect for one other or the law. His reason for his pride in being Mauritian was that “Mauritian parents living in this country still bring up their children with traditional values and a high level of respect”. He went on to explain that their was a high sense of morality in Mauritian society, based on respect for elders, which parents here in Britain had been taught by their parents in Mauritius. Later on in the interview he stated that he felt Britain was going back to “those days of racial ignorance” with increased interest and support for xenophobic political groups such as the British National Party.

As you can see from these three interviews, all three participants have a different outlook on what it is to be a second generation Mauritian living in Britain, as well as the feelings they have and choices they make. These three examples take us from one extreme to the other, from being a second generation immigrant who feels no connection to her roots to another who feels an ever present sense of pride in his Mauritian culture, compared to the loss of pride for the place of his birth. It is interesting as the two interviewees who feel more British live deep in the suburbs, away from the main London Mauritian community, compared to the participant who lived in Croydon, close to a large population of Mauritians.

Following on from the point that Suarez-Orozco et al. (2005) made about the conditions of immigrant families, and the acceptance non-white immigrants, I find it interesting that most of the interview participants stated they felt at home in London. This is because although they were born in Britain, many of them still visit Mauritius on a regular basis, and will often call it their “home” too, with many second generation Mauritians moving back to Mauritius regularly. However, as one interviewee pointed out, if you are living in London more often than not you are going to be surrounded by a particular ethnic group such as “Bengalis in Whitechapel, Afro-Caribbeans in Lewisham and Mauritians in Norbury” and therefore you make friends with “a vast array of cultures”. Therefore, it seems that the more different ethnic communities there are, the easier it is to fit in, one could even go as far as to say that these communities unite and prosper in their difference. The other point made by Suarez-Orozco et al. was that of family networks. Many of the interview participants were related; brothers, sisters and cousins. Through these links they were able to form business and social networks, whether it is creating a “dot com” enterprise, investing in Mauritian social clubs or even recruiting for a Mauritian football team, such as one team that had four or five family members playing for the same team.

Relating to the experiences of Mauritians living on the island of Mauritius compared to those second generation ones living in London there are many social differences. First, whilst Mauritian society has traditionally been very segregated, that is between different ethnic backgrounds, in London people of different ethnic backgrounds mix freely. This is because, according to the interviewees, they see themselves as a British Mauritian, not as a Mauritian Tamil or Hindu living in London. They feel no need to segregate themselves from the general Mauritian population. This can be seen in London based Mauritian football teams, where players are all from different ethnic backgrounds, whether it be English-Mauritian, Tamil, Hindu, Kreol or a mixture. However, in previous years many teams only recruited people from certain ethnic backgrounds such as purely Kreol, however more recently this has begun to become less common. This agrees with the work done by Eriksen (1999) where children born of a mixture of backgrounds in Mauritius do not seem themselves as one race or another, but in fact as “Kreol”. In the same way, Mauritian children born in Britain do not see themselves as Tamil or Kreol, but purely as Mauritian. This disagrees with Bunwaree’s (2002) work who stated that due to the complexity and range of ethnic backgrounds, rarely a Mauritian feels Mauritian. In this case, most of the research participants do feel Mauritian, and remember and enjoy their Mauritian culture and heritage together.

5 Conclusion

When I first chose this research topic, I believed that other second generation Mauritians would feel the same way that I did about my culture. From birth myself and my extended family have always spoken the Mauritian language, eaten Mauritian food and listened to Mauritian music. For this reason I always believed I was Mauritian, and nothing else. However, my findings after research are different to what I anticipated when writing the dissertation proposal. The interviewees did not mainly identify themselves as Mauritian, rather than British, but as British Mauritians. It can be said for the interview participants that the majority of them feel that their nationality is British, however their culture and ethnicity is Mauritian, with very few exceptions. These socially constructed labels help define who they are, who they work with, and who they socialise with, but do not limit them as they understand that being a British Mauritian means that they are part of a larger community. Whilst they have been born and brought up in Britain, they are still taught by their families about Mauritian heritage and values, and they seek to share their culture by finding other second generation Mauritians. The close economic and social networks of Mauritian festivals, football teams, and now businesses such as clubs and bars keeps the Mauritian community firmly integrated and promotes the interaction between all Mauritians. For them being a British Mauritian empowers them further, it allows them to live in a free society amongst a whole wealth of different cultures and ethnicities. The feeling gained from interviewing these second generation immigrants echoed the Parekh Report’s vision of Britain, that of a community of communities. Being born in Britain has helped these Mauritians, Hindu, Tamil and Creole, to live amongst one another in peace unlike recent events in Mauritius. Instead of arguing over differences these British Mauritians celebrate those things that they have in common, their Mauritian culture.

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Appendix 1

IGS Proposal: Culture clash? A study of second-generation Mauritians in London

The United Kingdom today is a haven for many immigrants from the world over, whether it be from the European Union with the recent influx of Polish migrants, or the former Commonwealth states such as Indians arriving to the country in the mid 1900s. These immigrants bring with them a wealth of knowledge and ideas, but foremost, their culture. It is the United Kingdom’s multicultural society which makes the country such an interesting place to live in, and led me to the question of how these migrants live in the United Kingdom, as well as the question of their own culture. Many of these immigrants have started their own families in this country, meaning their children are born as British citizens. It is this I find most interesting, mainly because I myself am a child of an immigrant, but mainly due to the fact the children are usually brought up to know two different cultures. Does the child embrace both cultures or just one? If the child does choose just one culture, how and why was this decision made? My research will be primarily based on this theme, and the reasons for choosing one or both cultures.

As stated above, I myself am the child of immigrants who came from the commonwealth island of Mauritius in the Indian Ocean during the late 1960s. From an early age I was taught the native language, kreol, a mixture of English, French and African dialect. My parents cooked Mauritian food, listened to Mauritian music, and attended Mauritian social functions. Growing up in south-east London, I have had many discussions with peers at school about nationality and ethnicity, and I maintained I was always Mauritian (despite having been born in London), and shunned my British nationality. For this reason I have decided to look at young second generation Mauritians in London, and their experiences in growing up with two different cultures, and their reactions to both.

2.1 Literature review: The concept of identity
The idea of identity is that of a self-image built up through experiences. This area of geography is relatively new and often branches out into sociology, anthropology and even psychology, and much researched has been already carried out on it. In terms of geography, identity is the way individuals may label and define themselves, that is national identity (in the case of this research question) or gender identity for female and queer geographies. The geography of the body is an important aspect of identity, as it is how people represent themselves, and shows us their influences, such as put forth by McDowell and Court (1994). Much work has already been done on this theme, and the research will attempt to incorporate it.

2.2 Literature review: Identity of immigrants
The identity of immigrant families and families with immigrant backgrounds has long been studied and researched, and today has become a central issue in the media with instances of terrorism being carried out by home-grown citizens. Baumann (1996) suggests that immigrant groups are suspended between two cultures, that of the country they live in, and that of their ancestors. Turner (1967) used the phrase of being “betwixt and between” in the case of people not belonging to a particular social category. Second generation immigrants in Europe are thought to be an “anomalous ethnic category” as they may be thought to be of the same ethnic group as their parents, although they may believe that they have taken on the culture of the country they’re living in (Eriksen, 2002).

For some immigrants this choice of cultures is easy as they follow the nationality of their parents, but some second generation immigrants choose to take on the identity of their nationality. In the case of the United Kingdom many immigrants are proud to be British, for example second generation migrants playing for English sporting teams. Obviously there has not been research undertaken on every single ethnic community in London, therefore the proposed research on the Mauritian community would exploit this fact, hopefully providing more understanding on the identity of these immigrant families.

2.3 Literature review: Mauritian culture and identity
The island of Mauritius is built up of many different cultures, religions and races, ranging from Hindu to Muslim to African. Due to this melting pot of ethnicity there are often many race related arguments and debates in Mauritian society. The main problem is that of the estrangement of the “original” Mauritians, that is to say the Creoles who can trace their origin to the African continent. These Creoles were the original slaves brought from Mozambique and other African countries to work in the plantations (Miles, 1999). In consequent years after the abolition of slavery in Mauritius, many Indians were offered low paid jobs on the island, sparking a huge influx of Asians. Since gaining independence it has been the Asian majority that have prospered and that have been in government. This has led to the so called “le malaise creole”, where the Creole population feel separated from society itself.

Inevitably, this has unfortunately led to a number of race related riots organised by the Creole population, with one resulting in the death of a popular Creole musician whilst in police custody (Miles, 1999). Another example is that of a grudge football match between a Muslim and Creole football team. Following the win of the Creole football team “Fire Brigade” rioting erupted, ending in the death of 7 people who were burnt to death by the opposing team’s fans (BBC, 1999). This shows the gravity of the social and cultural situation in Mauritius, and the lack of unity between different ethnic groups. Many Mauritians will not identify themselves purely as “Mauritian” but as Creole Mauritian or “Hindu Mauritian” otherwise known as Malabar. Official government ethnic groups list Hindus, Muslim, Chinese and “the general population”, meaning that Creoles are not officially recognised by the state (Eriksen, 1994).

3.1 Methodology
The research for this question would be primarily interview based with teenagers and young adults from sixteen to twenty-five years old, second generation, that is those born in the United Kingdom, Mauritians in London. The majority of these people would be from a mostly Mauritian male football team based in the south of London, as well as their relatives and friends. The research would be qualitative one on one interview based in order to gain more depth and insight into the opinions and experiences of the interviewees. This would give the chance for the informers to tell their story, such as stated by Jensen and Jankowski (1991). Where there are two or more interviewees in the same family, focus groups would be used, allowing for the sharing of ideas between siblings and cousins, whilst also possibly showing the contrasts of opinions. Focus groups of siblings and relatives would mean that participants would be at ease with each other, hopefully allowing for more discussion rather than the group being worried about expressing their opinions to strangers, such as suggested by Nichols (1991). A questionnaire would not provide the depth needed in this research, and would only provide closed multiple choice questions which would most probably lead to a data dump.

Many of the interviewees will be known to me, which may mean that there might be a lack of awkwardness and that they would be more open when giving answers. In turn, these interviewees could then refer to me to other possible informers. The majority of the interviewees would be male due to the fact that the research would be based on people from a football team. Although I do not anticipate much difference in results between male and female interviewees, there may be some variation in opinions and answers given between the Asian Mauritians. The interview would cover a range of topics, gauging opinions and understanding on music, food, dress, language, ethnicity and culture, pastimes and socialising including football. An important part of the ethnicity and culture topic is how the interviewees define the terms “British” and “Mauritian”. These topics would help shed light on how second generation Mauritian immigrants identify themselves and why. The interview and focus group format would follow an informal conversation pattern which would be transcribed or recorded for later use and analysis.

As well as interviewing in person, I will also be trying out interviews online via instant messenger programs. This will save time for me and the interviewee, as well as enabling me to save the chat log for later analysis. If this proves successful I may do more interviewees in this format. In order to adhere to ethics guidelines and the Data Protection Act, each interviewee will be told that the online conversation will be saved for the duration of my IGS, and then destroyed.

3.2 Methodology Limitations
As with any research, bias is often a problem, therefore becoming too involved with the topic, especially as I am a second generation Mauritian immigrant which could compromise the research somewhat. Another problem with research involving people is the possibility of them not being completely truthful or forthright, which could potentially distort the results. Hopefully the fact that I am a peer rather than a parent figure will help to increase the truth and accuracy in the interviewees answers. A further limitation of my methodology is that due to the fact the majority of interviewees will be young males, it could skew the results slightly, and not give a fair overview of how young Mauritians, both male and female, identify themselves. In the case of focus groups, one person may dominate the others in the group, influencing the answers, or the lack of, given by all other participants (Wimmer and Dominick, 1997).

4 Expected findings
I expect to find that most British born second generation Mauritians living in London actually identify themselves as Mauritian, rather than British, even though they embrace both cultures. This would mainly be due to the fact their parents are Mauritian, and have taught their children the Mauritian culture. In my opinion the strong family ties, the large number of Mauritian social events and the regular visits back to Mauritius have helped to create a sense of pride and nationalism in these second generation immigrants. I do not expect to find any difference between Mauritian ethnic groups, that is to say the main ethnic groups of “Malabar” and “Creole”, though in Mauritius there is an evident divide between the two.